The Western Department is experiencing an unparalleled crisis since the assassination of the last Haitian president, Jovenel Moïse, on July 7, 2021. While activities remain normal in seven other departments, the negative consequences spread throughout the Central Department and the Artibonite Department, where the damage has not reached the level of the Republic of Port-au-Prince. The toll is heavy and painful: Three territories lost, millions displaced, over 16,000 dead since 2022, the cost of living skyrocketing, houses collapsed, neighborhoods abandoned, weeds growing in every corner, schools and hospitals burned, businesses and institutions destroyed, airports closed, the state absent... Brutality and chaos everywhere. And then, unexpectedly, Bukele appears.
Many Haitians believe since someone questioned the landing of Salvadoran military forces in the country, it is armed civilian groups that he’s backing. For them, everyone should rejoice and join the protestors in the streets of Port-au-Prince and chant "Long live Papa Bukele!".
No problem if "the people have fun", if they find a little distraction to forget their misery, a little anesthetic to numb the pain, a little drug to let them dream. This seems to be the effect that the landing of Salvadoran soldiers has on many Haitians. It’s as if people were drowning, and a hand is stretched out to them. In this circumstance, nothing else matters; they would take anything, closing their eyes to everything. It’s as if people were suffocating, and a rescuer puts an oxygen mask on their noses. No sensible citizen can be angry over this wave of relief... especially if they are not on the ground.
The problem is that people are pouring out distractions and drugs on the protestors, making them believe Haitians are incapable and that it is foreigners who will save Haiti... especially if the foreigner says it is God who sent them. Remember there have been at least twelve United Nations missions in Haiti since 1993. Here are their names:
1) MICIVIH (International Civil Mission in Haiti)
2) MINUHA (United Nations Mission in Haiti)
3) MANUA (United Nations Support Mission in Haiti)
4) MINUH (United Nations Transition Mission in Haiti)
5) MIPONUH (United Nations Civil Police Mission in Haiti)
6) MICAH (International Civil Support Mission in Haiti)
7) MIF-H (Multinational Interim Force in Haiti)
8) MINUSTAH (United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti)
9) MINUJUSTH (United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti)
10) BINUH (Integrated Office of the United Nations in Haiti)
11) MMAS (Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti)
12) FRG (Gang Suppression Force).
So far, it has been "the next one", except for MINUSTAH which lasted thirteen years, from 2004 to 2017, and MICIVIH which lasted seven years, from 1993 to 2000. Each time, the missions announced major changes. But they only put a band-aid on the suffering of the country and changed forms. No results last. It’s as if the Core Group countries are sabotaging Haiti from beneath. There’s no willingness to let the country function on its own. The instability seems to be in their interest. In taking one occupation after another, Haiti has become a "protectorate" of the Core Group, though not officially. They have placed it in obedience under the pretext that it cannot govern itself, while they are the ones selecting the president, prime minister, and police chief they desire, the ones exiling or assassinating those they do not want, the ones preventing Haiti from exploiting its resources on land and sea because they see it as a strategic reserve. This abuse is tragic.
The problem again is the insults and finger-pointing at those reminding the protestors that not all distractions are good distractions, and that neither distractions nor drugs will heal the country’s malaise. The illness Haiti suffers from is complex and has deep roots, stemming from colonial times. It’s a system of siphoning resources for a small untouchable group that has all the monopolies. It is a laboratory for imperialist countries. It is an "apartheid" system privileging skin color and language of a small minority. In summary, Haiti is a lit candle at both ends, a bomb that is always about to explode. Only Haitians can save Haiti. There’s no shortcut. There will be another article addressing this crucial issue.
The issue ultimately is declaring that those raising questions, seeking solutions, are enemies who do not wish to see relief for the people and are throwing cold water on their contentment.
However, there are legitimate questions about the career of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele and Vice President Félix Ulloa as secretaries in the service of the United States, even if they disagree they are a duo.
There are legitimate questions about why suddenly the Salvadoran leaders want to “liberate” Haiti, when that is not what they came to resolve beforehand. They claimed their sole objective was to locate and return home four Salvadoran aviation technicians who disappeared in an ambush in Cité Soleil (Santo) on October 18, 2026. But Bukele made this statement without passing through diplomatic channels.
“If the gangsters return the technicians alive without doing anything to them, EVERYTHING WILL GO BACK TO HOW IT WAS BEFORE.”
There are legitimate questions about all that is scheming so that the Haitian army and police are never sufficiently equipped to match the armed civilian groups and control them. According to several experts in the field, the seriously grave situation in the Republic of Port-au-Prince has local solutions. The experts believe that, despite all the spies and bad seeds among them, SWAT, UTAG, USGPN, and UDMO WEST have the capacity to conduct the type of operations that Salvadoran soldiers and the Gang Suppression Force (FRG) have been conducting for some time.
Many other questions must be asked, and transparent answers must be found. Some do not ask questions because they see Bukele as a savior and give him immunity. That is their opinion, their right. However, investigating Bukele and Ulloa does not mean one does not love the people; it does not mean one supports the kidnapping gangs terrorizing the population of the Western, Central, and Artibonite Departments. If Bukele’s supporters could, they would beat all critics to pulp. It’s not the first time there have been Haitians praising a savior. They eat forgotten food. When someone makes all opponents out to be criminals, it’s the fragility of their position they are masking. They are a democrat, an intolerant.
Salvador occupies Haiti de facto. The de facto Prime Minister, Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, accepts for Haiti to have a foreign military force independent and more powerful than all the armed forces together that are present on the territory. That makes no sense. The last time this happened was during the Uphold Democracy operation to reinstate Jean Bertrand Aristide to power. He got what he asked for after causing several "little disturbances" the country is still paying for today. Consequential patriots must denounce Fils-Aimé’s derailment, just as they condemned Aristide's actions.
At the moment, there are three foreign military forces in Haiti: Mercenaries of Erik Prince, the Gang Suppression Force (FRG), and the Salvadoran Army Forces. Nothing is clear about how long the missions will last, how they will collaborate, or who has authority over whom. Bukele does not take orders from anyone. He curses Amnesty International and everyone telling him to water down his wine. He speaks directly to the Haitian people as a "proconsul". The Fils-Aimé government claims to have a bilateral agreement with El Salvador, but they do not make it public. It is a mess to have all these agreements without a clear central command. This adventure is a veritable chaos.
Consequential patriots must remain vigilant at all times. They should not be chanting "Long live Papa Bukele!". If they do, it is betrayal. They must be cautious with all U.S. secretaries, especially since it was not the Government of the country that invited them. Haitians must know what interests Bukele and Ulloa will defend and what motivates their presence, especially since they are in the campaign for elections back home in February 2027, and the opposition does not agree for El Salvador to participate in the FRG. Haitians must dig into the past of these two gentlemen. They must look them in the eyes. They must set boundaries for them. They must be under control. It is the Haitian Government that must decide the rules of the game.
Fils-Aimé should not have to walk with his head down
Before Bukele or any foreign force.
Otherwise, he should pack and go.
If Haiti is to receive, it must command.
In principle, consequential patriots must oppose
When foreign boots land on the soil of Dessalines.
They are not true friends of Haiti.
The emperor foresaw far and said it was a danger.
“They will be the schemers of our troubles.”
Is Bukele's adventure just another looming disaster?
No, it does not have to be that way.
If one looks closely,
Haiti is already degrading,
Its sovereignty trampled on,
There’s not much left to lose in reality.
In any case, Salvadoran forces are already there. This changes the balance of power between the Government and armed civilian groups. With lost territories being regained, state authority will be restored. The little bosses seem to be in hiding. The big bosses are scared like mice. Bukele makes grand promises, flatters many children of Dessalines with sweet words, and gives the victims hope of returning home. The duty of consequential patriots is to monitor the operations taking place on the ground so that the innocent do not pay for the guilty. Watch them!
As Haiti is a miracle, as Haitians are accustomed to paddle to make butter, nothing stops them from taking advantage of whatever they find, anything they are given... even if it’s a poisoned gift. Even a slap can flip over and bring the country help.
Questions must continue to be asked, but the most urgent question is what concrete benefits Haiti can derive from the mess that exploded when the four Salvadoran technicians disappeared? If the leaders well accompany the Salvadoran forces and manage them like security agents, shouldn’t they also take the opportunity to re-establish some institutions? Is this not an opportunity to put in place structures to draw young people into professional careers, to show them a future ahead and divert their minds from gang activities that offer the illusion of easy money? The Haitian state does not have time to waste. It must play all its cards in Bukele’s game to seize every opportunity. The pillage will not last.
Megadialogue@yahoo.com
